Πέμπτη, 28 Μαΐου 2015

1989-2015: 26 χρόνια βαρεμάρας


Μπορεί οι μεγάλοι του κόσμου να αναρωτιούνται πώς θα τελειώσει αυτό το σήριαλ.  Μάλλον δεν θα τελειώσει, ή έχει τελειώσει και δεν το έχω καταλάβει, αλλά τα 20 χρόνια βαρεμάρας έχουν γίνει 25...

Eίμαστε δε κρίση επειδή: 1) καταναλώσαμε με δανεικά, 2) δώσαμε παροχές με δανεικά, 3) επιδοτηθήκαμε για να μην παράγουμε και να μην δουλεύουμε, 4) λαδωθήκαμε για να εισάγουμε σκάρτα και άχρηστα, 5) μας κυβερνούν αχυράνθρωποι που ελέγχονται από μαυραγορίτες εισαγωγείς (και τα ξένα αφεντικά τους), 6) καταστρέψαμε την παιδεία, 7) είπαμε ένα δωράκι αλλά όχι και 500 εκατομμύρια..., 8) κακό το ελληνικό κεφάλαιο, καλό το ξένο, 9) ψωμί, παιδεία ελευθερία ερζάτς, 10) είμαστε μια φτωχή χώρα σε μια στρατηγικής σημασίας γωνίτσα. Μπλα, μπλα, μπλα και γενικότητες.

Χρωστάμε πολλά επειδή ο Παπαδήμος επί Σημίτη δεν ήταν Ζολώτας και επειδή οι πολιτικοί μας ελέγχονται από τους διαπλεκόμενους που δουλεύουν για Γερμανούς εξαγωγείς που μας λαδώνουν ή μας εκβιάζουν, για να ψωνίζουμε, όχι πάντα χρήσιμα ή παραγωγικά πράγματα, με δανεικά. Χρωστάμε σε αυτούς που μας λάδωναν για να ψωνίζουμε βερεσέ, και εμείς ψωνίζαμε και διαβάζαμε Νίτρο.

Greece is a country in crisis. In June, Athens will reach the end of its existing bailout package and will be forced to make a difficult decision: whether to ask the eurozone for more money, which will come at a substantial cost, or risk leaving the European Union altogether. Facing financial, political and social uncertainty, Greece's ruling Syriza party is trying to cut a deal with the European Union to keep the Greek economy afloat. But European institutions and prominent member countries such as Germany are reaching the limits of their patience when it comes to tolerating Greek debt. Something has to give, and Athens is in an extremely vulnerable position

the U.S. delegation to the G-7 meeting has voiced its political and security concerns about a possible Grexit. From Washington's point of view, a desperate government in Athens could turn to Russia for financial help, which would undoubtedly come with obligations. In addition, the United States is concerned that economic collapse in Greece could lead to social and political chaos in which extremist groups, both local and foreign, could flourish. These concerns are not unique to the United States: German officials have made similar statements. Berlin wants to teach Athens a lesson, but it is also worried a Grexit would threaten the survival of the Eurozone

dependency on Russian energy, potential Russian investment, and Greece's participation in infrastructure projects such as the Moscow-sponsored Turkish Stream pipeline. Greece also is no stranger to extremist and violent movements. More important, Greece is strategically positioned in the eastern Mediterranean, a region already in flux.

On May 28, Vitor Constancio, vice president of the European Central Bank, suggested that a Greek default with the International Monetary Fund would not necessarily force the European Central Bank to stop providing liquidity to Greek banks. This is a notable statement because Greek banks depend on emergency liquidity from the Frankfurt-based institution to stay afloat

Athens has to make its next payment to the International Monetary Fund on June 5. Greece probably has the resources to make the payment, but it is running out of time. Stratfor estimates that Greece will not be able to make its big repayments to the European Central Bank in July and August without external assistance — a reality that will force Greece and the eurogroup to reach a temporary deal.

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